Yukon Umbrella Final Agreement

Any land agreement is accompanied by a self-management agreement that gives First Nations the right to legislate in a number of areas. These agreements give First Nations the power to control and direct their own affairs and outline a First Nation`s ability to assume responsibility for providing programs or services to its citizens. [8] The final Umbrella Agreement (UFA) was concluded in 1988 and concluded in 1990. This is the general “Umbrella” agreement of the Yukon Landclaims package and provides for the general agreement reached by the three parties in a number of areas. Although the agreement is not a legal document, it is a “political” agreement between the three parties. The Umbrella Agreement contains several main themes, all of which are covered. These include the country (Chapter 9), compensation (Chapter 19), administrative autonomy (Chapter 24) and the creation of boards of directors and committees and tribunals to ensure the joint management of a number of specific areas (specific chapters). Other provisions of the Land Claims Agreement are the abolition of tax exemptions for the Yukon First Nations (effective January 1, 2001), a limitation on the hunting rights of other Aboriginal people in the traditional territory of any First Nation, etc. Complete fomentary exploitation agreements – or modern treaties – are agreements that trade undecided Aboriginal rights for defined contractual rights and the title of regulated lands. The current process began in 1973 with the publication of Together Today For our Children Tomorrow by chef Elijah Smith. Negotiations took place in the late 1970s and early 1980s, culminating in an agreement that was ultimately rejected.

On December 1, 2017, the Supreme Court of Canada (CCS), in the Nacho Nyak Dun v. Yukon First Nations (Nacho Nyak Dun), overturned a decision by the Yukon government to open the Peel Water Basin for development and substantially modify the Peel Watershed Planning Commission`s final recommended plan (plan). CSC decided that the final agreements with a number of First Nations that allowed the Commission and provided for the land use process did not allow Yukon to moderate the Commission`s plan so drastically. Unlike most other Canadian foeal claims that apply only to status Indians, Yukon First Nations insisted that the agreements involve all those they considered to be part of their nation, whether they were recognized as status Indians or not under federal government rules. In 1973, the Yukon Indian Brotherhood and the Yukon Association of Non-Status Indians founded the Yukon Indian Council (YC) to negotiate a land agreement. The two organizations and the Council merged in 1980 as the Council for Yukon Indians. In 1995, CYI was renamed the Yukon First Nations Council. Peel Basin, rich in non-renewable natural resources, is part of the traditional territory of a number of Yukon First Nations. The Commission is a politically neutral body that was established in 2004 with appointments from both Yukon and First Nations. Their mandate is to develop a land use plan for the region in accordance with final agreements with First Nations in the region. The Commission was responsible for the development of a project and a recommended final plan, with a regulatory consultation procedure with First Nations.

Yukon is authorized to approve, reject or amend the Commission`s recommendations. In 1993, Canada, Yukon and the Yukon Indian Council entered into a framework agreement that served as a model for individualized finite agreements negotiated with the Yukon First Nations. The final agreements recognize the traditional territories of the First Nation signatory states and their right to participate in the management of public funds in that territory.

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